Volume 26, Issue 1, 2004

Ties & Bonds, 1-4
Wellman, Barry
Calendar, 5-6
Sunbelt 2005, 7
Weak Ties, Modern Epidemics, and World Society, 9-10
Köhler, Benedikt
Students’ delinquency and correlates with strong and weaker ties: A study of students’ networks in Dutch high schools, 11-28
Baerveldt, Chris, Rossem, Ronan Van, Vermande, Marjolijn, Weerman, Frank
The goal of the present study was to investigate three issues in the current debate on youth delinquency: (1) Whether the level of delinquency of adolescents is negatively correlated with the quality of her/his personal networks (as stated by the social inability model) or not (as stated by the social ability model); (2) Whether there is homophily in adolescents’ networks regarding degree of delinquency; and (3) Whether homophily regarding the degree of delinquency is more pronounced for strong relationships than for weak relationships. A network survey, the Dutch Social Behavior Study, was carried out on 1,317 students (aged 15 to 17 years) in 20 high schools. Students completed a self-report questionnaire about petty crime and nominated fellow students for ten different types of relationships, both positive and negative and varying from weak to strong. Results showed that (1) the quality of the personal networks of delinquents and non-delinquents did not differ over any positive relationship. Delinquents seemed to avoid others a little more than nondelinquents, but were not avoided more; (2) the level of delinquency of students involved in positive relationships was correlated. This was caused partially by sex segregation; and (3) Homophily in weak-tie networks was not smaller than in strong-tie networks.
Measuring the Social Capital of Brokerage Roless, 29-52
Täube, Volker G.
Several researchers (Burt, 1995; Marsden, 1982, 1983; Granovetter, 1973; Homans, 1951, 1974) have stressed the importance of actors who occupy strategic positions in social networks to explain aspects of diffusion processes in social structures: If contacts between two parties are only possible through a third party, the latter can be regarded as being in control of resource flows. Such transmitting actors – often referred to as brokers – play a decisive role in the connectedness of social structures and hence, in determining the existing amounts of social capital available to the members of a network. Although attempts at classification and operationalization of brokerage roles have already been made (Gould and Fernandez, 1989), the integration into a broader theoretical framework – such as social exchange theory – is still to be achieved. Before we redefine to this purpose the Gould and Fernandez’ typology of broker roles by making use of Hummell and Sodeur’s (1987) census of triadic role patterns (see also Burt, 1990), several aspects of physical capital (such as accumulation, conversion and decay) will be analyzed with regard to their meaning in the different concepts of capital in social sciences (e.g. human capital, cultural capital, social capital). Finally, the validation of the proposed instrument for measuring social capital will be discussed against the back-ground of some empirical evidence.
A new measure of linkage between two subnetworks, 62-70
Flom, Peter L., Friedman, Samuel R., Strauss, Shiela, Neaigus, Alan
Network links between groups of people with and without a certain characteristic are important in several substantive areas. For example, models might study people who “link” those with and without HIV infection; or those who are links between two types of organizations, or between two countries. New measures of this linkage are proposed (for individuals and for entire networks) and reasons why they are superior to some existing measures are detailed through examples.
How People See Society: the Network Structure of Public Opinion Concerning Social Conflicts, 71-89
Meter, Karl van
For the last twenty years, on a more-or-less annual basis, the French research organization, Agoramétrie, has surveyed French public opinion on social conflicts. With a unique methodology involving the representative sampling of both the French population and French media discourse concerning social conflicts, a closed questionnaire is constructed and used to collect survey data which is then analysed using principal component analysis, among other methods.

The rather surprising results of twenty years of research on the same topic are that a small set of approximately 30 “trunk” questions appear in each sampling of media coverage of social conflicts, independent of economic crises, national or political crises, or other environing events. These “trunk” questions — such as “are there too many immigrant workers,” “are doctors trust-worthy,” “should women have the same rights as men,” “are politicians corrupt” — appear as basic human interrogations concerning society, and the use of the Agorametrie method in Great Britain, Russia and Costa Rica reinforces this surprising conclusion. The other result that these surveys produced is that “trunk” questions, and the 50 to 70 other questions concerning social conflict which constitute the questionnaire each year, do not have an arbitrary structure which changes from one survey to the next. The “trunk” questions define each year a fundamental network structure that comes back with little modification each year, and in which ties — and oppositions — define an overall structure with two fundamental dimensions: first, an opposition between an overture toward society and its problems (social problems and conflicts can be addressed and dealt with) and closure (“we were better off in the past”); second, an opposition between emotive and non-emotive reactions to social conflict. Each individual, each social group, possesses a network of opinions on social conflicts, opinions that are not arbitrary but tied one to the others to form specific, coherent networks whose ties show a strong resistant to deformation by external events. In short, specific networks of opinions on social conflict can be associated with individuals and social groups, and the network ties show strong resistance to change over time. There is even the possibility of measuring the “resilience” of these network ties.
Abstracts - Sunbelt 2003, 89-134

Volume 26, Issue 2, 2005

Calendar, 1-2
Everett M. Rogers, 1931-2004, 4-14
Ties & Bonds, 15-24
Wellman, Barry
A Social Network Analysis into the David Kelly Tragedy, 25-32
Richards, Seth
On July 18, 2003, British scientist and weapons inspector David Kelly was found dead, apparently by suicide. This tragedy capped a two-month controversy over the validity and authorship of an intelligence dossier on Iraq produced by the U.K. government. These events were investigated by a special, independent commission led by Lord Brian Hutton, called the Hutton Inquiry, and its final report was issued in January 2004.

This matter provides an excellent opportunity to study the inner workings of high levels of government because the Hutton Inquiry subpoenaed internal communications and has made them available to the public. From these documents, it is possible to construct the networks of discussion and authority behind the government’s actions. An important question in this case is who were the decision-makers that developed the strategy to release Kelly’s name to the press. The Prime Minister’s Office denied being heavily involved with this process, but the Hutton Inquiry documents reveal otherwise.

This article uses social network analysis to examine internal government communications in the Kelly affair. Social network analysis can quantify the interactions among a group of social actors. It produces measures of actors’ power and centrality in a network, and it constructs diagrams, or “network maps,” that represent the interactions and relative positions of the actors.
Interorganizational Coordination in Dynamic Context: Networks in Emergency Response Management, 33-48
Ph.D., Naim Kapucu
This paper addresses the inter-organizational network in response to an extreme event. Specifically, this paper analyzes interactions among public, private, and nonprofit organizations that evolved in response to the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. The research uses a theoretical framework primarily drawn from dynamic network theory and complex adaptive systems theory. The study assumes that the increased efficiency that would likely accrue in mitigation and response to disaster if agencies learned to collaborate more productively. Organizational analysis techniques were used to identify the major organizations that participated in the response system. The research found that effective response and recovery require well-coordinated interorganizational networks and trust between government agencies at all levels and between the public and private sectors.
Social Network Analysis and Estimating the Size of Hard-to-Count Subpopulations, 49-60
Jackson, Daniel, Kirkland, John, Jackson, Barry, Bimler, David
Social Network Analysis (SNA) is a social research tool that investigates both individuals and their relationships within a population. Complete network analysis is used to examine closed populations, while personal network analysis examines the set of people (‘alters’) that an individual (‘informant’) is connected to. Personal network analysis may be performed in the context of a survey to provide information on a larger group of individuals than a traditional survey of the same sample size. This review of the literature discusses the need for networks to be carefully defined and generated to reflect the population of interest, and examines the issue of informant accuracy in social network data. It also discusses an SNA model for estimating subpopulation sizes and how subpopulation characteristics may affect these estimates. Finally, it suggests some guidelines for potential SNA researchers.
A Modified Elicitation of Personal Networks Using Dynamic Visualization, 61-69
McCarty, Chris, Govindaramanujam, Sama
Several algorithms and software packages have been developed for displaying the relationship between actors within a whole (sociocentric) network. These visualization packages use as input an adjacency matrix representing the relationship between actors, and have occasionally been applied to personal (egocentric) network data. Personal network adjacency matrices require respondents to report on all alter-alter ties. This is an enormous respondent burden when the number of alters goes much beyond 30. We report here on an effort to reduce that burden by having respondents build their own personal networks, interactively, on the Internet. In a study on smoking, 100 respondents (50 smokers and 50 non-smokers) listed 45 network alters and provided data on whether each of the 990 pairs of alters talked to each other. We used a program called EgoNet to collect these data. Fifty of the respondents (25 smokers and 25 nonsmokers) then completed a similar exercise over the Internet, using a visual interface, called EgoWeb. There are clear mode effects on personal network composition and structure.
A Complement-Derived Centrality Index for Disconnected Graphs, 70-81
Cornwell, Benjamin
Freeman’s (1979) measure of closeness centrality is valuable in network analysis, but its use is limited to connected networks. In this paper, I describe an approach for calculating actor closeness centrality that circumvents the problem of disconnectedness. I show how the complement, GC, of a disconnected network, G, can be used to obtain weights that transform Freeman’s measure, C' C, into a universal measure, C' CW, for actors in both connected and disconnected networks. In essence, this method incorporates information about how an actor is not proximate to all other actors in a network (captured by the structure of the complement network) to weight within-component closeness. C' CW has several attractive properties. Aside from being universally applicable and ranging from 0 to 1, the value of C'CW equals C' C in connected networks. Furthermore, C' CW cannot reach 1 for actors in disconnected networks.
Conceptual and Empirical Arguments for Including or Excluding Ego from Structural Analyses of Personal Networks, 82-88
McCarty, Chris, Wutich, Amber
The structural properties of personal networks are potentially fruitful variables for explaining differences in attitudes, behaviors and conditions across individuals. When researchers apply structural measures to personal network data, they must decide whether to include or exclude ego from the adjacency matrix. This research note discusses several conceptual and empirical issues that should be considered in making that decision.
Complete Network Analysis in Research of Organized Interests and Policy Analysis: Indicators, Methodical Aspects and Challenges, 89-106
T., Alejandra Real, Hasanagas, Nicolas D.
This article aims at presenting advantages and weaknesses of complete network analysis in policy analysis and research of organized interests. Indicators (actor- and network-related factors) that have proven to be significant for power dimensions (trust, incentive giving and irreplaceability) will be presented. These have been derived from a policy research project in 2002. Advantages of a complete analysis of policy networks are the disclosure of latent structures, the operationalisation of power in policy arena, the measurement of policy impact of subjective factors (attitudes like radicalism, trustworthiness etc), and the “objective” bounding of the network. Challenges for future improvement are the relative “small size” of a network as a sample, the weakness of telephone queries, and the selfselection which characterizes the snowball sampling. Further questions could concern research on information, financial incentives, oligarchy and corruption.
Connecting the Dots without Forgetting the Circles, 107-119
Wolfe, Alvin W.
The steep slope of the increase in human population over the past century has been accompanied by increased complexity of the various systems that serve the six billion human beings that growth has produced. Network analysis has been a response by social scientists to the necessity to develop better methods of analysis. Now other scientists are finding network models more and more useful for understanding their own fields — in the study of materials from quarks to the cosmos, in the study of biology from DNA to ecosystems, and in the study of humans from domestic networks to the internet. The randomness that was earlier assumed is being questioned at all levels of analysis. We need to step back and review our own culture's ontological conceptions of what is really out there and how it is organized. That can be done properly only in some kind of comparative perspective. Because of its holistic and comparative perspective, anthropology has a role to play. Its interdisciplinary leanings and connections – biological, linguistic, historical, social, cultural and humanistic — are valuable in these times of increasing specialization of scientific enterprises. Judgments, as to what we know and what we do, are based on experience, and experience is interpreted by each of us in terms of our own culture, what we have learned to believe is known. There is much that is yet unknown about connecting the dots and interpreting the circles. Circles — cohesive and structural clusters, domains, and fields — at one level of analysis become dots at higher levels in one of the three major hierarchies of systems and subsystems — in the hierarchy of physical and material systems, in the hierarchy of evolving biological systems, and in the hierarchy of our rapidly developing human social or cultural systems. If we open our minds to the possibilities that can be generated in the interactions among the dots and circles of these systems and subsystems, all of which are relatively open networks, we social scientists may make enormous contributions to understanding the whole.

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